STATE
TERROR AGAINST INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN ETHIOPIA:
ANOTHER
SECRET WAR FOR OIL?
keith harmon snow
At the time of this writing, April 21, 2004, over 1150 Anuak
people were reportedly counted dead, with thousands of Anuak women raped. The
violence continues, unabated and unreported.
Anuak children refugees in Pochalla, Sudan; copyright 2004, by
keith harmon snow.
The East African nation of Ethiopia is the latest US Terror War
ally to turn its guns on indigenous peoples in a zone coveted by corporate
interests for its natural resources. Four months after armed forces of the
ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Defense Front (EPRDF) and settlers from
the Ethiopian highlands initiated a campaign of massacres, repression and mass
rape deliberately targeting the Anuak minority of Ethiopia's southwest,
atrocities and killings continue--and the situation remains in whiteout by the
Western media.
The most recent attack was on March 27, when EPRDF troops entered
villages in Jor district, killing over 100 residents, including women and
children.
The soldiers forcibly removed many of the survivors, with rights
observers claiming village women are being held as sexual slaves.
Based on field investigations conducted in January, two US-based
organizations--Genocide Watch and Survivor's Rights International—jointly
released a report on Feb. 22, providing substantial evidence that EPRDF
soldiers and "Highlander" militias in southwestern Ethiopia targeted
Anuak civilians. The "Highlanders" are of neither the agriculturalist
Anuak nor the cattle-herding Nuer, the two indigenous peoples of the region,
but predominantly Tigray and Amhara people resettled into Anuak territory since
1974.
The current conflict was sparked by the killing of eight U.N. and
Ethiopian government officials whose van was ambushed on Dec. 13, 2003, in the
Gambella district of southwestern Ethiopia. While there is no evidence
attesting to the ethnicity of the unidentified assailants, the incident
provided the pretext for the ongoing pogrom against the Anuak.
In the aftermath of the attack, EPRDF soldiers using automatic
weapons and hand grenades targeted Anuak villages, summarily executing
civilians, burning dwellings (sometimes with people inside), and looting
property.
Some 424 Anuak people were reportedly killed, with over 200 more
wounded and some 85 unaccounted for.
Mass rape continues in the region, perpetrated by EPRDF soldiers
and Highlander settlers, often at gunpoint. Anuak schools were reportedly
emptied of schoolgirls who were gang-raped in nearby huts or in the bush. With
Anuak males killed, arrested or displaced, the vulnerability of women and girls
has been grossly exploited. Reports from non-Anuak police officials in Gambella
indicate an average of up to seven rapes per day.
An Anuak survivor, a refugee in Pochalla, Sudan; copyright 2004 by
keith harmon snow.
Some resistance has been reported--both by guerillas of the Anuak
Gambella People's Liberation Force (GPLF), and, more
spontaneously, by targeted Anuak civilians. According to one interview, Anuak men who resisted attacks
by soldiers in Pinyudo town on Dec. 13 or 14 were able to overcome their
attackers and capture automatic weapons.
Recent reports indicate that pitched battles occurred in Dimma
district when Anuak men retaliated for the unprovoked torture killing of a
member of the Anuak community by EPRDF soldiers. Retaliatory attacks and
counter-attacks from Jan. 28 to Feb. 3 reportedly claimed the lives of scores
of EPRDF soldiers in Dimma. After Jan. 30, EPRDF reinforcements arrived in
Dimma with troops, artillery and tanks. Troops reportedly massacred
non-combatant Dinka and Nuer refugees from a nearby camp for Sudanese refugees.
First-person reports from the Gambella region describe Anuak
prisoners subjected to forced labor under armed guard by EPRDF captors.
Significant numbers of Anuaks remain unaccounted for;
"disappearances" of Anuak leaders have become frequent. There are
unverified reports that Ethiopia's central government has dispatched intelligence
operatives to neighboring countries to assassinate exiled Anuak leaders.
Reports of helicopters being used to monitor or hunt down Anuak refugees have
also been received.
Reports compiled by Genocide Watch/Survivors Rights International
(GW/SRI) cited eyewitness accounts of eleven uniformed EPRDF
soldiers working under cover of night on Feb. 1 to exhume bodies from a mass
grave in Gambella.
EPRDF soldiers reportedly worked with masks and gloves to dig up
corpses for incineration in order to destroy evidence of the December
massacres.
Now refugees are fleeing from Ethiopia into Sudan. As of January
23, 2004, the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Committee, affiliated with the
rebel Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), in Pochalla, Sudan, was
supporting international relief efforts for over 5,297 refugees fleeing the
violence. Refugees continue to flee southwestern Ethiopia at this writing.
Numerous assailants have been identified, including government
officials, soldiers and civilians. There are accusations that lists of targeted
individuals were drawn up with the assistance of Omot Obang Olom, an Anuak
government official cited by several interviewees for his involvement.
Massacres were reportedly ordered by the commander of the
Ethiopian army in Gambella, Nagu Beyene, with the authorization of Gebrehab
Barnabas, Regional Affairs minister of the Ethiopian government.
Numerous sources report that there have been regular massacres of
Anuak since 1980. Cultural Survival has reported on discrimination against the
Anuaks in six reports published in the journal Cultural Survival Quarterly
beginning in 1981. (See e.g.:
"Oil Development In Ethiopia: A Threat to the Anuak of
Gambella," Issue 25.3, 2001).
Interviews with local residents consistently reveal that Anuak
have been treated as third-class citizens, denied basic educational
opportunities afforded to other ethnicities, and have been increasingly
excluded and displaced from positions in government and civil society over the
past decade. As one witness testified: "There is an unwritten law of
discrimination against Anuaks."
U.S. COMPLICIT IN ETHNIC CLEANING
The U.S. government was informed about unfolding violence in the
Gambella region as early as December 16, 2003, through
communications to Secretary of State Colin Powell, the Overseas Citizens
Division, the U.S. Embassy in Ethiopia, and other U.S. State Department
agencies.
Responding to the GW/SRI report, the U.S. issued a press release
on Feb. 22 that urged an end to violence between ethnic Anuaks and the military
in the Gambella region. The U.S. also called "upon the Government of
Ethiopia to conduct transparent, independent inquiries, and particularly into
allegations that members of the Ethiopian military committed acts of violence
against civilians in Gambella region."
On March 1, 2004, Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi issued a
statement denying EPRDF involvement in the violence, claiming: "the
Ethiopian Defense Forces acted only to maintain peace and stability, in light
of the weakened condition of the regional police forces during the
incidents."
Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the U.S. in its War
on
Terrorism. In 2003, the U.S. Army's 10th Mountain Division
(Special
Operations Forces) completed a three-month program to train an
Ethiopian army division in counter-terrorism tactics. Operations are
coordinated through the Combined Joint Task Forces-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA)
base in Djibouti.
A tank in waiting in SPLA held Pochalla, Sudan; copyright 2004 by
keith harmon snow.
In January 2004, Special Operations soldiers from the 3rd U.S.
Infantry Regiment replaced the 10th Mountain Division forces at a new base
established Hurso Training Camp, northwest of Dire Dawa near the border with
Somalia, to be used for launching local joint missions in
"counter-terrorism" with the Ethiopian military. Soldiers will
continue to operate missions out of Hurso for several months from a new forward
base named "Camp United."
From April 12-25, 2003, under the U.S. State Department-sponsored
Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance program, CJTF-HOA
provided instruction to nearly 900 Ethiopian soldiers at a base in Legedadi.
CJTF-HOA forces from the U.S Army's 478th Civil Affairs Battalion also operated
in Ethiopia in 2003 in and around Dire Dawa, Galadi and Dolo Odo, among other
areas.
The 1,800-member CJTF, comprised of personnel from all branches of
the U.S. armed forces, civilian representatives and coalition liaison officers,
was formed to oversee operations in the Horn of Africa for U.S. Central Command
in support of the global War on Terrorism. For its
"counter-terrorism" mission, CJTF-HOA defines the Horn of Africa
region as the airspace, land areas and coastal waters of Ethiopia, Somalia,
Kenya, Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti and Yemen.
The Central Intelligence Agency is also very active on the entire
Horn of Africa and operates two Predator unmanned aerospace vehicles (UAVs)
armed with Hellfire missiles out of Djibouti.
From 1995-2000, the U.S. provided some $1,835,000 in International
Military and Education Training (IMET) deliveries to Ethiopia. Some 115
Ethiopian military officers were trained under the IMET program from 1991-2001.
Approximately 4,000 Ethiopian soldiers have participated in IMET since 1950.
ANUAK PEOPLE IN WAY OF OIL DEVELOPMENT
The role of oil in the conflict in neighboring southern Sudan has
been well reported. Multinational corporations now have set their sights on the
natural resources of Ethiopia's Gambella region as well. Central Ethiopian authorities
thus have powerful economic incentives to seek control of these resources.
Petroleum, water, tungsten, platinum and gold are the principal resources in
the Gambella region that are of international interest.
The Anuak situation has grown markedly worse since oil was
discovered under Anuak lands by the Gambella Petroleum Corp, a subsidiary of
Pinewood Resources Ltd. of Canada, which signed a concession agreement with the
Ethiopian government in 2001. In May 2001, however, Pinewood announced that it
had relinquished all rights to the Gambella oil concession. Pinewood now says
it has pulled out of Ethiopia. The
concessions may have been sold.
On June 13, 2003, Malaysia's state-owned oil company Petronas
announced the signing of an exclusive 25-year exploration and production
sharing agreement with the EPRDF government to exploit the Ogaden Basin in
Ethiopia's east and the "Gambella Block"--a 15,356 sq km concession.
On Feb. 17, 2004, the Ethiopian Minister of Mines announced that the Malaysian
company would launch a natural gas exploration project in the Gambella region.
There are reports that the China National Petroleum Corporation may also have
signed contracts with the EPRDF for a stake in Gambella's oil.
Petronas and the China National Petroleum Corporation are
currently operating in Sudan, where, according to a 2003 report by Human Rights
Watch, "Sudan: Oil and Human Rights," the two Asian oil giants have
allegedly provided cover for their respective governments to ship arms and military
equipment to Sudan in exchange for oil concessions granted by Khartoum.
In 2000, the Texas-based Sicor Inc. signed a $1.4 billion dollar
deal with Ethiopia for the "Gazoil" joint venture exploiting oil and
gas in the southeast Ogaden Basin.
Hunt Oil Company of Dallas is also involved in the Ogaden Basin
through their subsidiary Ethiopia Hunt Oil Company. Hunt Oil's chairman of the
board and CEO Ray L. Hunt is a director of Halliburton Company.
U.S. Cal Tech International Corp is also reportedly negotiating a
joint venture with the China National Petroleum Corp. to operate in the same
regions.
Petronas operates in Sudan in partnership with the Canadian
Swedish Lundin Group. Swedish financier Adolph Lundin, who oversees Lundin
Group is a long-time associate of George H.W. Bush. African Confidential
reported in 1997 that the former president telephoned then-dictator Mobutu Sese
Seko of
Zaire (today Democratic Republic of Congo) on behalf of Lundin
after Mobutu had threatened to terminate a mining contract.
Anuak artesanal miners in Gambella district mine gold; thus the
interests of multinational gold corporations may be of further relevance in
explaining the terror campaign against the Anuaks. U.S.-based Canyon Resources
has gold operations in southern Ethiopia.
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The full report can be seen at www.genocidewatch.org and
www.survivorsrightsinternational.org .
See more of Keith Harmon Snow's journalism and photography at:
www.allthingspass.com/
Special to WORLD WAR 3 REPORT, April 9, 2004
Reprinting permissible with attribution: WW3Report.com